A confounding problem is that because its high IQ has secured for it an equivalent high status, the cognitive elite employs markers for IQ, such as credentialism and cultural signifiers, to exclude views that appear outside its mainstreamed social values. Notwithstanding their correlation with higher IQ, such markers are dangerous in that they greatly increase the insularity and conformity of elite views. Particularly after multiple generations of cognitive sorting has led to social and intellectual distancing, it is probable that lower IQ groups will possess intuitive knowledge and a broader range of experiences that would inform--and correct--the cognitive elite's perspective. Indeed, the negative effects of stratification by IQ was one of the chief warnings of Murray and Herrnstein's The Bell Curve.
The mainstream elite worldview can best be summed up as "managerial liberalism", a kind of technocratic oligarchy which sees itself as administrators of a highly complex and pluralistic society with a large, low paid workforce spread across the world. Its social values are liberal-conformist and derive from attitudes and temperament common among the high IQ, including discomfort with well-defined sex roles, avoidance of emotional displays, and a desire to confine and ignore unacceptable views. In fact effeminate behavior and signaling is common.
We are now seeing the final transformation of elite views into a series of unchallenged and highly moralized beliefs. This moralization is usually put in terms of cognitive function, in keeping with the cognitive elite's main source of self-worth. Therefore it was not surprising when a blog post by Julian Sanchez which asserted that conservatives were victims of "epistemic closure" was uncritically and enthusiastically accepted as proof that conservatives were intellectually inferior. In fact this episode bears similarities to the aftermath of the 2004 election, when a fraudulent IQ chart was used to assert that those who voted for Bush over Kerry were in fact less intelligent.
What Sanchez means by "epistemic closure" is that conservatives reject all sources of evidence that do not confirm their pre-existing beliefs and increasingly talk only to themselves. Sanchez writes:
Julian Sanchez:
To prevent breach, the internal dissident needs to be resituated in the enemy camp. [...] It’s a much deeper sort of purported betrayal, because it’s a choice that would implicitly validate the status claims of the despised elite. You’re supposed to feel as though you’ve been snubbed socially—discarded for “better” company—which evokes both more indignant rejection of the quisling and further resentment of the liberal snobs who are visiting this indignity on you. In a way it’s quite elegant, and you can see why it’s become as popular as it has. But it’s fundamentally a symptom of insecurity—and a self-defeating one, because it corrodes the kind of serious discussion and reexamination of conservative principles and policies that might help produce a more self-assured movement.
Presumably, the "reexamination of conservative principles" would bring them more in line with the values espoused by people like Julian Sanchez. In fact Sanchez' preoccupation with status in all this betrays the reality that those of whom the cognitive elite disapprove really are snubbed, not just socially but culturally, and when they are spoken of at all much is made of their backwardness, low social status, lack of education, and "intolerant" views. Sanchez assumes that managerial liberalism's hegemony over mainstream politics and culture has nothing to do with any of the insecurity or anger he detects--in fact he seems to argue that people who don't like the limited perspective presented in The New York Times should perhaps listen more closely to what the The New York Times has to say! What else is there? (By the way, Sanchez' blogroll illustrates the range of his ideological voyages: he links to both libertarians and liberals.)
Perhaps even more amazing, David Frum's reputation on the right is the source of Sanchez' ruminations, suggesting that "epistemic closure" is behind conservatism's inability to take criticism. This is a fantastic suggestion given the insideous influence that neocons like Frum have had on the right. Sanchez seems unaware (despite citing instances) of Frum's long career making vituperative attacks on any conservative he disagrees with, attacks which nearly always involve a divisive character assault and very little in the way of coherent argument. In fact Frum's attacks fit a pattern of hostility toward social conservatives that neocons appear to have brought with them from the Left. Frum's sinking reputation among conservatives suggests not ideological insecurity, but the very strong likelihood that conservatives have simply tired of this behavior.
Sanchez also conflates the populist appeal of organizations like Fox News with conservative ideology, while ignoring similar links between MSNBC, Air America, the Huffington Post, and liberal ideology. In a follow-up post, Sanchez confirms the confused and incomplete state of his thinking here:
Julian Sanchez:
Of course, without contrasting the "epistemic closure" of conservatives with the comparative openness of other groups, Sanchez' posts are spectacularly pointless, no matter how much he asserts otherwise. If in fact the same phenomenon exists on the Left, and is a product of today's more polarized and unrestrained political discourse (as well as the lowering of intellectual standards brought about by cognitive and cultural sorting), then his entire take on the subject is hopelessly wrong. By the end of the paragraph, Sanchez has without a hint of irony announced his own "epistemic closure"--"It would be a spectacular waste of time," he says, after bringing the subject up. This is muddled thinking at best.
It is actually somewhat shocking that Sanchez' thinly argued and poorly thought-out blog posts managed to cause a stir, but for the aforementioned theory that the cognitive elite is preoccupied with demonstrating intellectual superiority and reaffirming the wisdom of its own intellectual embargoes on various subjects deemed too sensitive or anxiety-inducing to go into.
Similarly, Sanchez attempts to elaborate on his point in another post, bringing up the Fulton, Mississippi high school prom which inspired a lawsuit because it would not allow a lesbian couple to attend.
Julian Sanchez:
As Sanchez goes on to describe the belligerant response by liberals, he does not appear to notice that their intense and angry advocacy of questionable social values is as free from "epistemic openness" as anything he has described on the part of conservatives: "They’re not attuned to the injustice because it seems like almost a fact of nature. Except they’re now flooded with undeniable evidence that a hell of a lot of people don’t see things that way, and even hold their community in contempt for seeing things that way." Indeed, sex differences not only "seem" like a fact of nature, the Fulton high school's "epistemic" grounds for promoting a dance that helps boys and girls socialize with each other exists on surer factual footing than liberalism's denial of the importance of well-defined sex roles to normal adolescent development.
Sanchez does make one interesting statement:
Julian Sanchez:
Here we have the kernel of a good idea--Sanchez' first--and if one strips away the myopic focus on social conservatives, one can see that most people are indeed turning to media segregation to combat what Sanchez does not quite identify correctly: an increase in social conflict brought about by changes in diversity, communications, social complexity, and generalized anxiety over heightened competition for resources. "Epistemic closure" is the wrong term for this development, which is motivated by the desire for insulation from overbearing levels of hostility and complexity. Homosexuals and homophiles strive for a similar reduction in conflict by making illegal, or by silencing, objections to their approved lifestyles. Black and Hispanic chauvinists attempt to deal with status insecurities resulting from group competition for resources by advocating policies that lead to proportional rewards (affirmative action, race norming). Liberals marginalize scientific findings that bring to light racial performance deltas, particularly those involving intelligence, because such findings attack their cherished (but, alas, groundless) notions of group equality.
My argument, given more extensively elsewhere, is that these are all symptoms of a society massively out of scale, and my proposed solutions amplify the effects of media segregation, on the grounds that societies cannot stably function amid such disruptive and anxiety-filled environments as are the inevitable result of large, diverse populations linked together by worldwide communications and trade. However, I am not hopeful that our cognitive elite are open to such a radical criticism, particularly as they remain fixated on adding to the already burdensome levels of conflict faced as a consequence of scale.

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