Chapter 4 - Jewish Involvement in the Psychoanalytic Movement
That psychoanalysis is steeped in Jewish culture and bears the hallmarks of other Jewish-dominated social science and political movements should by now be relatively uncontroversial. It is authoritarian, dogmatic, and sharply critical of traditional Western values (hence "culture of critique"). But what is perhaps most remarkable about psychoanalysis is its longevity as a respectable branch of psychology and its influence upon Western culture, despite its lack of scientific method and its long record of therapeutic failure. One might even say that psychoanalysis attempts to find disease where there is none, and while it would be simple enough if these attempts were guided by the pecuniary concerns of psychoanalysts, it would be more accurate to say that the real cause lies in its very dark and lurid view of human nature.
Today psychoanalysis is in a state of decline far from its peak, when Alfred Hitchcock had characters reciting chapter and verse in his appallingly bad (and ironically titled)
Spellbound. However, for many years it did influence Western attitudes, especially among intellectuals, notably through its criticism of sexual restraint as a form of repression that leads to mental illness. Also worth noting is the role psychoanalytic theory played in delaying the recognition of pedophilia in bourgeois society, with its claim that infantile and childhood sexual fantasies are completely normal (in fact the history of psychoanalysis is pregnant with ironies of this kind).
Psychoanalysis has been attacked as a "Jewish science" since its inception. Most of its important figures have been Jews, including of course its founder, so it is not surprising that it bears similarities to other Jewish-dominated intellectual movements. The heavy influence of Jewish culture on psychoanalytic ideas has tended to attract philo-semitic gentiles, so that even as the number of gentile practitioners increased the movement remained steadfastly Jewish in nature. MacDonald cites a 1971 study which showed that 62.1 percent of American psychoanalysts had a "Jewish cultural affinity".
In interwar Germany, psychoanalysis was regarded as another in a line of Jewish-dominated radical movements intended to subvert German culture (Freud himself seemed to acknowledge that there was some truth to this), and ultimately Freud was forced to leave Austria.
Freud's own Jewish identity was pronounced, moreso in his private writings. MacDonald writes:
MacDonald:
In a 1931 letter he described himself as "a fanatical Jew," and on another occasion he wrote that he found "the attraction of Judaism and of Jews so irresistible, many dark emotional powers, all the mightier the less they let themselves be grasped in words, as well as the clear consciousness of inner identity, the secrecy of the same mental construction". On another occasion he wrote of "strange secret longings" related to his Jewish identity.
Freud's fascination with his Jewish ancestry is evidenced in his hero-worship of Moses--his book
Moses and Monotheism purported to apply psychoanalytic thinking to historical events, but was mainly just an excuse to indulge his fascination with Moses. This book is possibly revealing of Freud's own fantasies in its claim that Moses led his followers to freedom and was then killed by them, leading to a guilt-formed prophecy of the return of Moses as the Messiah. (Freud believed this guilt was somehow a factor in Jewish culture.) One can almost detect the influence of this fantasy in Freud's behavior toward those who dared to replace him (or more often merely disagree with him) as the leader of psychoanalysis.
Freud believed Jews to be a superior race, noting their achievements in a variety of intellectual fields and claiming a Jewish superiority in spiritual and family life. MacDonald quotes Freud on one of his "disciples": "The racial mixture in our band is very interesting to me. He [Jones] is a Celt and hence not quite accessible to us, the Teuton [C. G. Jung] and the Mediterranean man [himself as a Jew]".
Contrary to the popular belief that racialism was the province of Aryan or Nordic racists, Jews of the period, including Freud, frequently spoke in such terms. Freud harbored racial suspicions about Jung before their break, centering on his Christian and "Teuton" background. He frequently characterized other Jews as having a racial kinship which furthered their comprehension of psychoanalysis. Because psychoanalysis was essentially an authoritarian ideology with Freud as its leader, these feelings often determined the status of those within the psychoanalytic intellectual hierarchy. MacDonald quotes a piquant assessment of this tendency in action:
MacDonald:
During the 1920s Jones was viewed as a gentile outsider even by the other members of the secret Committee of Freud's loyalists and even though he had married a Jewish woman. "In the eyes of all of [the Jewish members of the committee], Jones was a Gentile... [T]he others always seized every opportunity to make him aware that he could never belong. His fantasy of penetrating the inner circle by creating the Committee was an illusion, because he would forever be an unattractive little man with his ferret face pressed imploringly against the glass" (Grosskirth, 1991).
Nonetheless, Freud felt it expedient to promote some gentiles into highly visible positions, most notably Carl Jung. Freud explicitly framed Jung's advancement as essential to the acceptance by gentiles of pschoanalytic theory. "Jews must be content with the modest role of preparing the ground. It is absolutely essential that I should form ties in the world of science." On another occasion, "Our Aryan comrades are really completely indispensable to us, otherwise psychoanalysis would succumb to anti-Semitism."
As seen in previous chapters, Jewish crypsis proceeded from an acute perception of anti-Semitism, but with the ensuing risk that such disguises could lead to a reactionary purge in which affiliation was closely scrutinized (as with the McCarthyist purge of suspected communists). While crypsis has not been especially successful in the long run, it may provide a crucial delay in anti-Semitic response to Jewish-dominated movements, with the goal of eventually recruiting high status gentile intellectuals to the cause.
Freud's private attitudes to gentile society were marked by negative stereotyping, which MacDonald observes is one of the consequences of strong group identity:
MacDonald:
Freud's powerful sense of Jewish group identity resulted in negative stereotypical thinking regarding the gentile outgroup. Gentile society, and particularly the most salient institutions of gentile culture, were viewed stereotypically as evil. These institutions were not only viewed negatively, but the accentuation effect came into play and resulted in a general attribution of homogeneity to the outgroup, so that these institutions are seen as much less divided than they actually were.
True anti-Semitism also evinces this exaggeration, with Jews portrayed as a conspiring and scheming race. MacDonald frequently notes that this is plainly not the case--Jewish thinking has often been divided even when it is aimed at the same basic goals, such as tempering anti-Semitism. This tendency to "homogenize the outgroup" is not unique to Jews and is seen in other groups with pronounced social identities.
MacDonald notes that Freud's animosity toward Christianity and the Catholic Church in particular may have derived from a childhood incident in which his father behaved passively to anti-Semitic behavior. MacDonald does not recount the incident, which was related in
The Interpretation of Dreams:
Freud:
"When I was a young man," he said, "I went for a walk one Saturday in the streets of your birthplace; I was well dressed, and had a new fur cap on my head. A Christian came up to me and with a single blow knocked off my cap into the mud and shouted: 'Jew! get off the pavement!'" "And what did you do?" I asked. "I went into the roadway and picked up my cap," was his quiet reply. This struck me as unheroic on the part of the big, strong man who was holding the little boy by the hand.
Freud connects this incident with his hero-worship of Hannibal, and less explicitly it can be seen to have motivated his desire to "take vengeance on the Romans", i.e. the Catholic Church. As is typical with Jews who express great anxiety about anti-Semitism, Freud believed that Jews were essentially blameless and that anti-Semitism was a pathological reaction to Jewish superiority. His childhood memory serves a twofold purpose.
As a science there is not much to say about psychoanalysis. Much of Freud's own published work was extremely thin on scientific argument and often strayed to uninteresting yet fanciful speculation.
Civilization and Its Discontents,
Moses and Monotheism, and
The Future of an Illusion are among the most egregious examples. His case studies are filled with circular argument in which no possible response of the patient is capable of refuting theories literally formulated from dreams. And his papers on specific aspects of therapy and the human mind frequently evoke the overcaffeinated discussions of college students in their exuberant yet specious arguments.
Today psychology has completely shed its embarrassing connection to Freud, as MacDonald recounts:
MacDonald:
The theory of the Oedipal complex, childhood sexuality, and the sexual etiology of the neuroses--the three central doctrines that underlie Freud's radical critique of gentile culture--play absolutely no role in contemporary mainstream developmental psychology. From the standpoint of evolutionary theory, the idea that children would have a specifically sexual attraction to their opposite sex parent is highly implausible, since such an incestuous relationship would result in inbreeding depression and be more likely to result in disorders caused by recessive genes. The proposal that boys desire to kill their fathers conflicts with the general importance of paternal provisioning of resources in understanding the evolution of the family: Boys who had succeeded in killing their fathers and having sex with their mothers would not only be left with genetically inferior offspring, but also be deprived of paternal support and protection. Modern developmental studies indicate that many fathers and sons have very close, reciprocated affectional relationships beginning in infancy, and the normative pattern is for mothers and sons to have very intimate and affectionate, but decidedly nonsexual, relationships.
For decades Freud's outlandish theories were taken seriously by educated cosmopolitans. Yet there was never a serious attempt to pin down these ludicrous ideas; MacDonald observes, "Fundamentally, psychoanalysis has not inspired any significant research on the basis of these three basic Freudian constructs." Not even Freud's statements about his patients can be (or should have been) taken at face value, and there is reason to conclude that he falsified and exaggerated parts of their cases to strengthen the claims of psychoanalytic theory. Freud's pseudo-scientific output weighs against rather than in favor of the notion that Freud himself was a mentally stable individual with a happy family life. More to this point, Freud took the view that romantic love was a product of gentile culture, a veneer for amoral sexual instinct, a view which would play into his use of psychoanalysis as a social critique.
Taken together, the beliefs and practices that constitute Freudian psychoanalysis bear a close family resemblance to the cult of Scientology, with the slightest added veneer of intellectual argument and an equally slight restraint on fanciful theories regarding alien life. Post-Freud, matters are little improved, and psychoanalysis remains distant from mainstream science. It will presumably remain a small but busy pseudo-science franchise along with the other pathological enclaves of academia, at least until Western nations (and particularly America) stop wasting mountains of cash on mockingly useless liberal arts educations. (I must confess, every time I meet someone with a degree in English or, worse, Political Science, I come away depressed.)
Psychoanalysis has much in common with Leftist political movements as well, observed in the prevalence of schisms and the practice of "expelling" members who violate orthodoxy. Once again there is the appearance that Jewish-dominated movements are marked by very high levels of hostility against perceived enemies, including internal enemies, and, of course, character assassination.
MacDonald:
In the history of psychoanalysis, character assassination typically involves analyzing scientific disagreement as an indication of neurosis. Freud himself "never tired of repeating the now notorious contention that the opposition to psychoanalysis stemmed from 'resistances'" arising from emotional sources (Esterson 1992).
MacDonald notes the similarity to committing Soviet dissenters to mental hospitals, and cites an example which sets the standard for comical submissiveness:
MacDonald:
Perhaps the most astonishing case is Otto Rank's letter of 1924 in which he attributes his heretical actions to his own neurotic unconscious conflicts, promises to see things "more objectively after the removal of my affective resistance," and notes that Freud "found my explanations satisfactory and has forgiven me personally".
Freud appears to have attracted and maintained particularly submissive personalities. He was delighted by Ernest Jones' suggestion of a secret council to police the psychoanalytic ranks. Altogether the men who comprised the psychoanalytic movement were usually weak-egoed betas whose place within this often tragically stupid pseudo-science was all-important to them. As such, they defended its founder with fanatical unreason. MacDonald relates that when Sandar Ferenczi disputed what amount to Freud's denials of childhood sexual abuse, the ever groveling and scraping Jones called him a "homicidal maniac".
MacDonald attributes much of the health of Western society to its foundation on monogamy, noting that monogamy allowed for more egalitarian mating, higher status for women, and less pressure on resources because population tended to grow in a stable and sustainable manner, as compared to polygynous societies. He posits further that this arrangement provided a necessary condition for industrialization. Psychoanalysis, MacDonald asserts, undermined these critical aspects of Western culture:
MacDonald:
The psychoanalytic emphasis on legitimizing sexuality and premarital sex is therefore fundamentally a program that promotes low-investment parenting styles. Low-investment parenting is associated with precocious sexuality, early reproduction, lack of impulse control, and unstable pair bonds. Ecologically, high-investment parenting is associated with the need to produce competitive offspring, and we have seen that one aspect of Judaism as a group evolutionary strategy has been a strong emphasis on high-investment parenting. Applied to gentile culture, the subversive program of psychoanalysis would have the expected effect of resulting in less competitive children; in the long term, gentile culture would be increasingly characterized by low-investment parenting, and, as indicated below, there is evidence that the sexual revolution inaugurated, or at least greatly facilitiated, by psychoanalysis has indeed had this effect.
One flaw in this part of MacDonald's argument is that Jews themselves have been psychoanalysis' most avid clients (as he himself notes), therefore Jews more than anyone should have been harmed by the tendency of psychoanalysis to disrupt monogamous practices and lead to low-investment parenting. If this has in fact been the case, MacDonald does not show evidence for it. Instead he argues that Jews place lower priority on conjugal affection, and therefore can maintain monogamous bonds and high levels of parental investment despite psychoanalysis' subversion of conventional sexual morality. This theory, if true, remains to be proven. More convincingly, MacDonald points to higher Jewish IQ as a trait which may insulate Jews from the negative effects of sexual liberation.
There are also problems in connecting psychoanalysis to the later sexual revolution, which has more evident instigators such as rising materialism, urbanization, and the steadily increasing use of sexual cues in advertising. Furthermore, periods of relaxed sexual attitudes have been documented in earlier eras, which cannot be explained by the influence of psychoanalysis. Most importantly, MacDonald does not show that ordinary people ever truly accepted psychoanalysis' tenets, despite its popularity with a certain intellectual set.
Psychoanalysis did, in establishing the pretense for an examination of "repressed" impulses, provide a basis for innumerable radical critiques of Western society. It played a potentially important backup role to Leftist movements because it could appeal to those who rejected Marxist thinking and socialist politics. It may have also had an indirect effect by influencing Jewish thought and thereby influencing Western societies by second hand.
In conclusion, MacDonald depicts psychoanalysis as a Jewish science, providing evidence that it was a nearly homogenous product of Jewish identity and that it reflected Jewish concerns and attitudes regarding gentile society. Like other Jewish intellectual movements covered, psychoanalysis delivered a harsh critique of Western society, and may have played a role in then-evolving attitudes toward sexual restraint. It also influenced and encouraged other critical intellectual movements. There is a strong case to be made that it held back the field of psychology for decades, but only a rather weak case that it played a critical role in changing Western attitudes towards sexuality and marriage.
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