Chapter 3 – Jews and the Left
MacDonald begins this chapter by noting a paradox: although Jews have long been associated with the radical or Marxist Left, Marxism itself is a universalist ideology that rejects ethnic and nationalist barriers. Marx, while ethnically Jewish, has been characterized as an anti-Semite, and his writing furthered the negative Jewish stereotype of the greedy capitalist.
Jewish cohesion and resistance to assimilation would seem to put them at odds with universalist ideologies. Were the Jews who were drawn to the radical Left exceptions to the rule? What attracted these Jews to universalist principles? Did they retain their Jewish identities while participating in Leftist politics? Did the tension between ethnic cohesion and universalist ideology create problems for Jews?
MacDonald reminds the reader that these questions do not presume that a majority of Jews were involved in or sympathetic to the radical Left, or that Jews constituted a majority of those involved in radical politics. Rather, the question is why were some Jews drawn to the Left despite the inherent tension that this produced, and was this behavior consistent with Jewish cultural imperatives and group strategy.
The first question MacDonald considers is whether Jews involved in the Left retained a strong Jewish identity. He concludes that this was in fact the case, citing the Jewish Bunds in Poland and Russia. Jewish Communists in the Soviet Union were concerned with preserving a secular Jewish identity even while working against traditional Jewish institutions and customs:
MacDonald:
Despite an official ideology in which nationalism and ethnic separatism were viewed as reactionary, the Soviet government was forced to come to grips with the reality of very strong ethnic and national identifications within the Soviet Union. As a result, a Jewish Section of the Communist Party (Evsektsiya) was created. This section "fought hard against the Zionist-Socialist Parties, against democratic Jewish communities, against the secular life pattern based on Yiddish as the recognized national language of the Jewish nationality; in fighting for Jewish national survival in the 1920s; and in working in the 1930s to slow down the assimilatory process of the Sovietization of Jewish language and culture".
As a result, Jews developed a Yiddish subculture that retained separatist Jewish qualities. There is a suggestion that Jewish radicals were especially drawn to Jewish leaders such as Trotsky, regardless of whether those leaders emphasized or acknowledged their Jewishness. Judaism appeared to function for these radicals as a supra-ideology, such that it could reconcile (with itself at least) the contradiction between universalism and strong group identity.
Part of the motivation behind adopting a universalist ideology was to lessen anti-Semitism, therefore this retention of Jewish culture and language was self-defeating.
MacDonald:
In terms of social identity theory, anti-Semitism would make it difficult to adopt the identity of the surrounding culture. Traditional Jewish separatist practices combined with economic competition tend to result in anti-Semitism, but anti-Semitism in turn makes Jewish assimilation more difficult because it becomes more difficult for Jews to accept a non-Jewish identity.
While many Polish Jews did increase their assimilation during the interwar period (for example adopting Polish as their native language), the efforts by other Jews to preserve Jewish culture resulted in increased anti-Semitism. MacDonald suggests that in these situations gentiles may develop an exaggerated perception of Jewish traits in order to guard against deception. The mixture of assimilating and non-assimilating Jewish behavior may appear to be a strategic deception, leading anti-Semites to look for the smallest indications of Jewishness. The more self-conscious the effort at assimilation, moreover, the greater the sense of deception. Previous encounters with Jewish crypsis may also have increased gentile suspicion of Jewish assimilation.
With this self-sustaining ingroup-outgroup tension, it is easy to see how even the most universalist radical Jew could be driven to seek refuge and safety in Jewish community, despite the dangers or contradictions that result.
The issue is further complicated by the nature of Jewish identification. MacDonald writes:
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Jewish identification is a complex area where surface declarations may be deceptive. Indeed, Jews may not consciously know how strongly they identify with Judaism. Silberman, for example, notes that around the time of the 1967 Arab-Israeli war, many Jews could identify with the statement of Rabbi Abraham Joshua Heschel that "I had not known how Jewish I was".
I have heard anecdotal accounts of Jews who seem to self-consciously reject their Jewishness or display pronounced irreverence of Judaism in early adulthood, only to develop a stronger sense of Jewish identification in later life. Such behavior would not be unique to Jews; it is common for young adults to rebel against the tradition and beliefs represented by their parents, only to find themselves conforming closely to that parental model in their later years. (This might indicate a strong biological component to human behavior; a similar "regression" is seen with childhood vs. adult IQ measurement in cases where intensive schooling appears to raise IQ, but without lasting effects.) In modern society, this reversion or regression may be amplified by feelings of guilt over "renouncing" one's ethnic heritage.
Finally, Jewish involvement in radical Left politics did not exist in a vacuum. The czarist government against which Bolsheviks agitated was officially anti-Semitic, and up to the 1940s Jews tended to enjoy positions of influence and status in the Bolshevik power structure. Seeming inconsistencies between Marxist universalism and Jewish identity must be viewed from this context.
MacDonald then takes a closer look at Poland and the rise to power of its communist Jews. Their intensely Jewish upbringing, the anti-Semitism of the Polish government, and the status that Jews had gained in the Soviet Union strengthened the sense of identity among Polish Jews and reinforced the allegiance they felt to communism.
The views of Polish gentiles differed, and they saw the Jewish-dominated KPP (Communist Party of Poland) as an agency of Moscow, unpatriotic, and of an ethnically alien character. To counter this impression, an effort was made by Polish Jews to recruit and promote gentiles. Nevertheless, Polish gentiles favored the anti-Soviet opposition while Polish Jews allied themselves with the communist government. The result was an upsurge in anti-Semitic violence. In such an environment, Polish Jews came more and more to rely on each other for internal security; ethnic Jews were considered more trustworthy.
MacDonald:
The evidence indicates that this group pursued specifically Jewish interests, including especially their interest in securing Jewish group continuity in Poland while at the same time attempting to destroy institutions like the Catholic Church and other manifestations of Polish nationalism that promoted social cohesion among Poles. The communist government also combated anti-Semitism, and it promoted Jewish economic and political interests. While the extent of subjective Jewish identity among this group undoubtedly varied, the evidence indicates submerged and self-deceptive levels of Jewish identity even among the most assimilated of them.
Jewish identification was also characteristic of the Jewish Left in America. Leftist publications run by Jews exhibited a distinctively Jewish character, which can also be seen in modern publications such as the neoliberal Slate and the neoconservative Commentary. Whatever the political ideology espoused, including Emma Goldman's anarchism, Jewish identity comes through quite strongly.
While Jewish involvement in these movements sometimes changed in relation to the relevance of those movements to Jewish interests (e.g. support of Israel), one way of more closely bonding the Jewish Left with their organizations was use of Yiddish and emphasis on the importance of Leftist causes to ending Jewish persecution.
Jews were extremely active on the American Left and dominated the CPUSA, but many Jews broke with the American Communist Party when Soviet anti-Semitism and opposition to Israel forced them to choose between Leftist principles and Jewish identity. The Jews who remained resorted to rationalization and denial, similar to the attitudes of Russian Jews during the Stalinist purges. This division doubtless contributed to the rightward shift of some Jews and dictated the anti-communism of neoconservatives. Jews who remained apologists for the Soviet Union latched onto opposition to McCarthy and the "paranoid style of American politics", i.e. traditional opposition to the right, especially the suspect American gentiles who had a strong connection to un-cosmopolitan rural America.
One interesting difference in the Jewish involvement in radical student protests of the 1960s was their relatively affluent backgrounds compared to their Russian and Polish counterparts, combined with their highly vocal contempt for the working class. Here again there is evidence of overrepresentation of Jews among the student radicals (many of whom were self-described "red diaper babies" steeped in radical politics) along with open exp
ressions of Jewish identity, perhaps brought to the fore by a sense that they were confronting injustices related in nature to anti-Semitism. Despite having evolved from an earlier generation of radical Leftists, for these Jewish radicals the traditional Marxist rhetoric and ideology gave way to a politics far more closely centered on identity and particularly ethnic identity.
The standard argument against taking notice of Jewish overrepresentation in radical politics has been that Jews have also been overrepresented in other areas, such as business and science--i.e. Jewish activity on the Left is not characteristic of Jewish behavior but of Jewish tendency to excel. What this argument omits, MacDonald notes, is that Jewish involvement is underrepresented in
rightist political movements, which undermines the argument that Jewish exceptionalism entirely explains these disparities. While it might be counter-argued that anti-Semitism would have driven Jews out of nationalist or populist movements, this argument has two problems: 1) anti-Semitism on the Left has not greatly diminished Jewish activity on the Left, and 2) it presents a chicken-and-egg riddle by supposing that Jewish antagonism to rightist movements is driven by anti-Semitism which in turn drives Jewish antagonism. MacDonald writes:
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Even if nationalist movements are anti-Semitic, as has often been the case, anti-Semitism should be irrelevant if these individuals are indeed completely deethnicized as Pipes proposes. Jewish prominence in occupations requiring high intelligence is no argument for understanding their very prominent role in communist and other leftist movements and their relative underrepresentation in nationalist movements.
There is one caveat which may be added here, which is the possibility that high IQ individuals are naturally drawn to leftist movements for psychological reasons intrinsic to their high IQ. However, using similar reasoning one would expect high IQ Jews to de-emphasize their ethnicity, which does not appear to be the pattern. We will revisit this idea later.
MacDonald by no means considers Jewish identity to result in lockstep behavior.
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As with all experiments in living, leftist universalist ideology and political structure may not achieve the results desired by their Jewish proponents... In retrospect, Jewish advocacy of highly collectivist social structure represented by socialism and communism has been a poor strategy for Judaism as a group evolutionary strategy. Judaism and bureaucratic, statist socialism are not obviously incompatible, and we have seen that Jews were able to develop a predominant political and cultural position in socialist societies, as they have in more individualistic societies. However, the highly authoritarian, collectivist structure of these societies also results in the highly efficient institutionalization of anti-Semitism in the event that Jewish predominance within the society, despite a great deal of crypsis, comes to be viewed negatively.
Considering the issues that Jews face under such circumstances, MacDonald concludes, "In the long run, radical individualism among gentiles and the fragmentation of gentile culture offer a superior environment for Judaism as a group evolutionary strategy, and that is indeed an important direction of current Jewish intellectual and political activity."
Neoconservatism is one result of this realization. Neoconservatives advocate economic freedom important to Jews while rejecting potentially threatening statist government. Meanwhile they give little attention to social issues and/or openly espouse liberal views which further the fragmentation of gentile culture. Neoconservatives are notably hostile to traditionalist conservatives, who arouse more hostility among neocons than anyone to their left.
As MacDonald puts it, Judaism is a series of experiments in living. Despite its internal disagreements over ideology, it has remained incredibly unified across class and nationality. "In this sense, Jewish radicalism must be viewed as one of several solutions to the problem of developing a viable Judaism in the post-Enlightenment period, along with Zionism, neo-Orthodoxy, Conservative Judaism, Reform Judaism, neoconservatism, and Judaism as a civil religion."
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